Theories of Mental Health Illness Within Sociology

Theories of Mental Health Illness Within Sociology Compare and contrast two of the five approaches to mental health illness within Sociology. (social causation, social reaction (labelling theory), critical theory, social constructivism social realism) Mental Health Illness The issue of mental health has long been an object of study for society, the psychiatric professions and sociology has similarly had a long tradition of offering theoretical insights into the phenomenon. Why this might be is open to debate and many of the key sociological theories in relation to mental health have in fact as much to say about the prevailing viewpoints within society and within professional bodies towards mental health as they do about those who suffer from mental health related problems (Cockerham, 1992). The two most radical of the sociological theories concerning mental health have been social reaction or labelling theories as well as that of social constructivism. Both these theories examined within this essay offer a radical conception of mental health in comparison to what might be called the dominant medical and social views on mental health. However while both of these theories offer a radical view of mental health they differ substantially in the theoretical framework which they respectively utilize towards understanding mental health. These differences can be located in broader trends which have occurred within the discipline of sociology itself as a shift in the major theoretical traditions within the discipline, (Delanty, 1999). The two sociological theories examined are that of social reaction and social constructivism. Social Reaction This critical theory emerged in the 1960s which in itself might serve to highlight the broader critical strands present within society when this theory was formulated. Labelling theory works from the simple premise that to define someone as mentally ill conveys upon them a stereotypical image which the person will then act. It drew its framework from the symbolic interactionism school of sociology so at its root this theory sought to examine the ways in which roles and actors interacted and played out within the drama of mental illness (Pilgrim and Rogers, 1999. Thus for labelling theory the relationship between the patient (or the individual defined as ill), family, medical professions and society generally is the determining factor for analysis in relation to mental illness. For labelling theorists then the primary framework for analysing mental illness is to examine the twin concepts of primary deviance and secondary deviance. Primary deviance relates to things which might actually be wrong or actions or circumstances which involve actual rule breaking, (Pilgrim and Rogers, 1999) and for labelling theorists the most interesting item regarding this is the way those around sufferers rationalise and ignore this behaviour up unto a point, (Ineichen, 1979:11). Perhaps the most illustrative study of this phenomenon was the work of Yarrow, Schwartz, Murphy and Deasy (1955) which illustrated the various ways in which wives would dismiss strange behaviour up until a point was reached in terms of deviant behaviour. However it is secondary deviance which labelling theory sees as the much more problematic of the two forms of deviance and it is here that the links also between the second of our theories examined are strongest. For labelling theorists secondary deviance has a number of critical factors. But simply put secondary deviance refers to those manifestations of symptoms which are not related in any way to the actual physical incidence. Thus we might say that the aetiology of secondary deviance is a function of the societal conditions surrounding the individuals rather than intrinsic conditions within the individual themselves. As Rosenham (1973) states The question of whether the sane can be distinguished from the insaneis a simple matter: do the salient characteristics that lead to diagnoses reside in the patients themselves or in the environmentsin which observers find them (250). In Rosenhams case where eight pseudo-patients gained entry into hospitals on the pretence of being insane to answer to this question lay firmly in the area of the observers. While popular at first with a number of studies finding the concepts expressed in the theory to be true in a number of famous studies labelling theory has not decreased in popularity with a number of major criticisms being levelled at the theory as a result of further investigation and continued studies While labelling theory surmised that primary and secondary deviance were linked in that one will tend to lead to the other as a result of the ensuing interaction between the individual sufferer and those that label the sufferer this was not borne out by the research. In the case of Rosenhams study it was found that the label of deviant though at first an uncomfortable and disturbing experience did not persist for a great length of time with the pseudo-patients in the experiment, (Pilgrim and Rogers, 1999). Another weakness expressed in labelling theory is the relationship between the stereotypical images of the insane believed to be held by the public. If society was to blame for labelling the insane then it would have been expected that the images lay people had conformed to the images of diagnosis, yet research has shown that this is not the case. Indeed lay perceptions to mental illness have been demonstrated to only marginally relate to the images associated with medical diagnosis, (Pilgrim and Rogers, 1999:18). Labelling theory accepts then (and is a criticism of the theory) that a distinction can be drawn between physical disorders, primary deviance, and the ensuing reaction from society which causes secondary deviance. For the second theory we examine here the existence of both categories is dependent on society or in other words that mental illness exists as a completely subjective definition. Social Constructivism While referring to a broad range of social critiques across a many wide variety of disciplines it is perhaps best represented in terms of its comments on mental health by the works of the French theorist Michel Foucault. In particular his seminal work The Birth of the Clinic sets out the radical viewpoint with which social constructivism is associated. In this Foucault argues that insanity exists as a classificatory concept derived from the subjective description of medical knowledge. Or that the objectification of insanity occurred after as well as in tandem with the development of psychiatric knowledge, the insane developed as a problematised group which in turn led to strategies being developed to manage them, (Foucault, 1976) Superficially then we can see many similarities between these two theories in that both see a critical role for society in the determination of the meaning of mental illness. The critical difference is that while for social reactionists and labelling theorists a division exists between primary deviance which has a physical locus and secondary deviance which arises out of societal causes whereas social constructivists assign the loci of mental health strictly to the social environment. It does this through utilising the theoretical framework of discourses, thus the subjectivity of being mad is defined through the objectifying process of psychiatric or medical knowledge generally (Pilgrim and Rogers, 1999). While many works recently have adopted social constructivist viewpoints in relation to medical knowledge it is Foucaults works which are the best known and also which have been the most influential in developing this theoretical viewpoint. Foucaults work was in particular concerned with how the shifting conceptions of what madness meant to society led to the development of a discrete set of knowledges which pathologise mental states according to a classificatory system related to madness and what were the strategies which developed as a result of this knowledge towards the control and management of the insane (Foucault, 1972, 1976). This concept has had radial implications for a consideration of mental health and how it is defined in as well as by society. This theoretical framework can be seen thusly to criticise not only psychiatric practice but also psychiatric knowledge and even more critically the processes through which psychiatric knowledge is generated. Indeed from a social constructivist viewpoint it is the very construction of knowledge which leads to the boundaries and categories which delineates and determines who it is we call insane and indeed what it is that makes them insane for society. Perhaps the biggest criticism we can make of the social constructivist viewpoint is the lack of a normative basis to its analysis. While the critique may be valid social constructivist theories can be distinctly vague about resistances to the all powerful discourses which they describe and analyse. Similarly the ability to formulate social policies arising out of the critique may similarly be limited (Rogers and Pilgrim, 2001: 175). A secondary point and one which we have already made in relation to labelling theory is that perhaps social constructivism deconstructs too much certain incidences of mental illness, perhaps there are some illnesses which in their aetioloigcal sense reveal themselves to be indeed physical manifestations of what we might actually be able to call a disorder (Zinberg, 1970). Thus from this analysis we can see the close links as well as the clear differences between these two theories. While both are radical in their outlook we can argue that social constructivism has even been more radical. Similarly while social reaction theories have fallen out of favour along as well it must be noted as symbolic interactionsim in general social constructivist theories have been and continue to be hugely influential not only in relation to mental illness but to a broad range of social scientific disciplines and social issues. References Cockerham, W. C. (1992); Sociology of Mental Disorder; 3rd Ed., Simon and Schuster Co.; New Jersey US Delanty, G. (1999); Social Theory in a Changing World, Polity Press, Malden US Foucault, M. (1976); The Archaeology of Knowledge, Tavistock, London UK Foucault, M. (1976); The Birth of the Clinic, Tavistock, London UK Ineichen, B. (1979); The Social Structure of Modern Britain: Mental Illness, Longman, London UK Pilgrim, D. and Rogers, A. (1999); A Sociology of Mental Illness, 2nd Ed., Open University Press, NY US Rogers, A. and Pilgrim, D. (2001); Mental Health Policy in Britain, Palgrave, Basingstoke UK Rosenham, D.L. (1973); On Being Sane in Insane Places; Science, Vol 179 Jan Yarrow, M., Schwartz, C, Murphy, H. and Deasy, L. (1955); The Psychological Meaning of Mental Illness in the Family, Journal of Social Issues, Vol 11 No. 12 Zinberg, N. (1970); The Mirage of Mental Health, British Journal of Sociology, Vol. 21 No. 3

Herbal Products Market Research

Herbal Products Market Research Abstract: Herbal products have gained a lot of attention in the recent years. This has pushed natural and nutraceuticals companies globally to take interest in these products. Herbal extracts are no longer a concoction of plants but are sophisticated standardized extracts. This has led countries all over the world to set regulatory guidelines and policies in order to maintain good quality, standardized herbal medicines. Konark Herbals Health Care, an India based company, manufactures solid and liquid herbal extracts in semi finished form. The company recently has decided to launch its products globally. This project focuses on opportunities of herbal products in the European Market i.e. the European Union. Europe being the central hub of herbal medicines is integrated with a number of regulatory guidelines set by the EU. The project aims at understanding these regulatory policies, gauging the market scenario and presenting ideas for launching the companys products by creating its place in the market. The main objective of this project was to gain an understanding of the herbal products already in the market and finding newer opportunity for its use Introduction About the Company Konark Herbals and Healthcare is a medium sized company established in 2004. The company is into manufacturing and selling of semi finished herbal products. These products include soft and dry herbal extracts, in both solid and liquid form. The company is also associated with the Konark Research foundation which carries out all the quality assurance and testing to ensure quality and standardised products. Konark manufactures over 300 herbals extracts, though its flagship product is curcumin and its derivatives. Up until 2010 the companys main focus was the domestic market. The products were marketed and sold either for domestic use or to other Indian companies for export purposes. The main problem faced by Konark was the competitive prices. The company also found that since the regulations in India were not very strict most competitive suppliers would sell sub standard quality products at a cheaper rate. A thorough study was done to understand the pros and cons of focusing on the domestic market. Therefore Konark Herbals and Health Care decided to launch its products globally. Therefore, this report focuses on opportunities of herbal products in the European market. Traditional Medicine has always had its popularity worldwide. In addition over the last few years there has been increase in the use of complementary and alternative medicines (CAMs) in many developed and developing countries. The last 15 years have seen an increase in the popularity of plant based medicines in the western world. Therefore the safety and quality of the CAMs have become very important concerns for the health authorities as well as the public. Several traditional medicine practices have been developed over the centuries in different cultures but without a parallel advance of international standards and using inappropriate methods for evaluating traditional medicine. Therefore strict guidelines and policies for herbal medicines are critical to the continued existence of quality products. Even though India and China are known for their herbal medicines since centuries, the hub of herbal products is Europe. More than 60% of the Europeans and greater than 80% of Germans (Figure 1) have used herbal products at some point of time in their life. Herbal remedies which we earlier sold in small special shops, often without any license, have now become mainstream drugs manufactured by multinational companies and sold in pharmacies throughout Europe. It is due to this high usage of products that the European Union has an extensive set of guidelines for herbal products. The EU has laid down guidelines and policies for all the processes related to these herbal products from manufacturing right up to market authorization and which it expects all to adhere to. European Union Overall Market Size The member states of the European Union represent the largest single commercial market for herbal drugs and medicinal plants in the world. The European market for herbal supplements along with herbal medicines is currently at $7.4billion. An analysis based on the data from IMS health placed the global European over the counter (OTC) market for herbal medicines at approximately $5billion. Imports The EU is also the largest importer of Crude medicinal plants and herbal extracts with imports approximated at around 100,000 tonne. This is almost double the quantity imported by the USA (IMS report). Germany is the most important European importer with 40% of the European market followed by France and Italy. European Guidelines Europe consists of 50 countries. And each country has its own regulatory guidelines and policies. It is important to know that out of the 50 countries only 27 countries fall under the European Union. Legislation in the European Union is set at the EU level, but there may be (additional) legal requirements which may be country specific. Although maximum synchronization is aimed it is not always achieved because of negotiations, debates and national interest. The European Medical agency along with the THMPD (Therapeutic herbal Medical product directive) are the two many regulatory bodies within the European Union. Each of the two bodies has a set of guidelines which has to be followed by not only the companies within Europe but also the companies that want to enter the European market for business opportunities. It includes policies from cultivation right up to marketing of the product in Europe. Understanding these guidelines is necessary for Indian companies such as Konark Herbals H ealth Care because in order to enter the European markets, they need to abide by them. The committee on Herbal Medicinal products (HMPC) HMPC, a part of the European Medical Agency, is responsible for preparing the agencys opinions on herbal medicines. In 2004 it replaced the proprietary medicinal products working party on herbal products which introduced a simplified registration procedure for herbal drugs in EU member states. The committee has the responsibility to prepare monographs of well established herbal medicines which is based on evaluation of available scientific data or on its traditional use in the European community. The monograph includes uses, safety information and information on undesirable effects. Traditional Herbal Medicinal Product Directive (formerly The Directive 2004/24/EC) The THMPD was established in 2004 to provide a simplified regulatory approval process for traditional herbal medicines in the EU. Under this regulation all herbal medicinal products are required to obtain an authorization to market within the EU. As per the THMPD all products marketed before this legislation came into force can market their product till 30 April, 2011. Once this limit expires they must gain market authorization. These guidelines are of great importance especially during the audits done by the European companies. As a mandatory procedure, all European companies conduct a thorough audit of the manufacturing facilities of the suppliers to check them for GMP compliance. The audit even checks for Good Agricultural practices (GAP) complied by the farmers supplying the crude plants to the supplier. GAP includes various documents and certificates that the supplier must have from the farmers. In case any of the guidelines are not met with, the supplier is not only rejected but is blacklisted by the company for future purposes until such time that the supplier has proven to be GMP and GAP compliant. Therefore the suppliers cannot afford to make any mistakes Examples of EU legislations relevant for herbal products: Directive 2001/83/EC on marketing authorization for medicinal products for human use, including homeopathic products and herbal medicines. Directive 2003/94/EC on the principles and guidelines of GMP for medicinal products for human use Phytosanitary measures. Directive 2000/29/EC Regulation 338/97 on the protection of endangered species in trade, CITES Preventive measures on organisms harmful to plants Directive 2000/29/EC Country Profiles Out of the 27 countries belonging to the European Union few countries such as Germany, UK and France are the major markets for herbal products. As mentioned earlier EU legislations are set at the EU level, but there may be country specific (additional) legal requirements. Understanding the guidelines for each of the countries is crucial because it is through these countries that Indian companies will make their entrance into the European Herbal Markets. Germany: Germany by far is the most important consumer of plant based medicines in Europe which accounts for more than 50 % of all European licensed herbal product sales. It is also the largest producers of herbal phytomedicines. Cultivation in Germany has declined massively over the years, which has lead companies to import herbal extracts from other countries such as India and China. This proves advantageous for Indian companies. It is also important to notice that even though Germany does have domestic cultivation, only 5% 10 % of the total requirement is covered by the domestic production. Germany is by far the largest importer of medicinal plants and extracts with imports of around 50,000 tonnes on a yearly basis. The basis of market authorization in Germany has been laid out in the Second Medicines Act which was formed in accordance with the EU legislative framework. It required a review of the safety and quality of 300 plants. This was done by a team of experts known as the Commission E who published more than 235 medicinal plants. Germany is one of the very few countries that consider herbal products as medicines thereby providing complete reimbursement of such products. The herbal drugs are reimbursable by the health insurance system unless special criteria for their exclusions apply. These exclusions are due to negative assessment by commission E. There are 380 monographs presented in the American Botanical CouncilsÂÂ  The Complete German Commission E Monographs, Therapeutic Guide to Herbal Medicines, which has recently been translated into English The monographs include lists of approved and unapproved herbs, uses, indications, side effects, interactions of herbs with conventional drugs and duration of administration German Regulations: A national pharmacopoeia, the Deutsches Arneibuch and the European Pharmacopoeia are used, both of which are considered to be legally binding. A number of additional monographs have also being issued such as the Deutcher Arzneimittel Codex but are not legally binding. Regulatory Requirement for the manufacture of herbal medicines include adherence to the information in the pharmacopoeias. In the absence of pharmacopoeias, monographs, the GMP rules for conventional pharmaceutical, German Medicines Act and the Eudralex. Compliance with these requirements is ensured through inspection. Herbal medicines are sold in Germany in pharmacies as OTC and prescription medicines in special outlets and supermarkets. Advantages for an Indian Company to supply to German companies: Not more than 10% of the total requirement is covered by domestic market Only a handful of herbal plants are cultivated in Germany as compared to India. As per the adapted from BAH (Figure 2) more than a 100 Indian medicinal plants can cater to these therapeutic categories. Many Indian plants such as curcumin, Amla, Ashwagandha or on the positive list of commission E. Several curcumin products are reimbursed by the health insurance system. France: France is both a major producer and consumer of medicinal plants. It is the second largest market in Europe after Germany. It has more than 4000 hectares under cultivation of which over 30% is dedicated to plants such as thyme fennel chamomile and peppermint. Southern France is a major market for essential oils and aromatherapy. France imports around 30,000 tonnes of medicinal plants and extracts from countries such as India and China. France is also an exporter of medicinal plants which is about 8000 tonnes on a yearly basis. Most exports are simply intra European consignments often within same company. French regulations make it difficult to sell unlicensed herbal remedies. Around 527 medicinal plants are listed in the French Pharmacopoeia of which 454 plants are contained in list A (positive benefit /risk ratio). These include plants such as acacia. Curcumin, Aloe Vera etc. Plants such as tobacco and Thuja fall under list B that has a negative benefit/risk ratio. Despite all this, herbal medicines are classified as medicines in France and are subject to market authorization under the Health ministry. Guidelines: The French Republic does not have any national policy, laws, expert committee or national research institute on traditional medicines. Herbal medicines are regulated as OTC medicines and by law claims may be made about them. The same GMP rules for manufacture are applicable for herbal medicines as for the conventional medicines. Compliance with the requirements is ensured through inspections. Safety requirements are the same as that for conventional drugs. Out of 787 medicines registered none, are listed on national essential drug list. Advantages for Indian companies to target France: France is the Hub for essential oils and aromatherapy products. Therefore many Indian companies can supply oils such as cinnamon oil, turmeric oil etc. Out of the plants listed in List A of the French Pharmacopoeia more than 250 plants are available in abundance in India. Although the government is coming up with newer policies, cultivation in France is only for a minor group of medicinal plants. Therefore French companies have to look at supplier of plants and extracts. United Kingdom United Kingdom (U.K.) has until recently been well below that of many European counties. U.K. based MNCs have given limited importance to research in herbal drugs. British farmers too have not given much importance to medicinal plants. Less than 2000 hectares are devoted to medicinal plants. But consumption of herbal medicines has been growing at the rate of 10% (WHO report, 2008) Although U.K. has no single national office, the medicines and Healthcare product regulatory agency and the department of health in England have numerous teams to develop policy on the safe use and practice of traditional medicines. Herbal medicines are regulated under Medicines Act 1968 (2001/83, EC also applies). Until 2011 the directive provided two regulatory routes for herbal medicines to reach the market i.e licensed herbal medicines and unlicensed herbal medicines. Since May 2011 unlicensed herbal medicines have been ban in the market. The British Pharmacopoeia contains 124 national monographs. There are around 500 licensed herbal drugs in the U.K. but none are included in the national essential list. Herbal drugs are sold in pharmacies as OTC and prescription medicines. Overview of the top diseases affecting European human population Chronic diseases are the main cause of mortality in Europe. Research (by EDEC) suggests that complex conditions such as diabetes, depression and dementia will impose a prominent burden in the future. Some years ago chronic diseases were considered to be a problem of only the rich and elderly people. But today we know that which high income countries, poor as well as young people are affected by these chronic diseases. The implications of the diseases are also very serious. There are a number of chronic diseases that affect people all over Europe. The most prevalent ones are: Depression Obesity Diabetes Mellitus Alzheimers disease Parkinsons disease Dementia Schizophrenia COPD The link between disease and age is crucial from an economic public policy standpoint. The proportion of Europeans aged 65 years and older is projected to grow from 15% to 23% by 2030. This trend is clearly one of the many reasons for the growing burden of chronic diseases in Europe. (Pomerleau, Knai and Nolte, 2008). The prevalence of mental disorders is very high in Europe. Dementia amongst those who are aged i.e. 65 and above, in 2000 was estimated to vary between 6% to about 8 %. WHO has estimated that one in five persons will develop depression and each year 33 million European suffer from major depression. In 2008, the rates were lowest in Spain, Greece and Portugal while the highest estimates were for Finland, Israel, Belgium and France. Suicide from depressive disorders is the third leading cause of death among young Europeans. Top diseases affecting livestock in Europe Novel strategies and responses are necessary to meet the economic and human health risks that are associated with livestock diseases. Human-health threats from livestock come in two basic forms: (i) zoonotic diseases, and (ii) food-borne illnesses. Zoonotic diseases are those diseases that arise in animals but can also be transmitted to humans. Potentially pandemic viruses, such as influenza, are the most newsworthy, but many others, including rabies, brucellosis and anthrax also do exist. Food-borne illness can come from disease agents such as salmonella and E. coli. Highly pathogenic livestock diseases remain alarming for the people of Europe because: They are still highly pathogenic for humans. They are continuing to evolve. There is a risk of generic recombination with the viruses that are better adapted to, and can be easily transmitted among humans. The diseases affecting livestock in Europe include: Livestock Disease Avian influenza Bovine Tuberculosis Rabies Bovine Brucellosis Transmissible spongiform encephalopathies (TSE) Ovine and Caprine brucellosis (B. Melitensis) Salmonellosis (zoonotic salmonella) Livestock Disease Avian influenza Ovine and Caprine brucellosis (B. Melitensis) Salmonellosis (zoonotic salmonella) African Swine Fever Bluetongue (High risk endemic areas) Methodology The main product to be launched by the company being Curcumin and its various derivates, a secondary research was conducted to gain an understanding about the product. Such a research gave an idea about its current use globally. Various companies across the globe are already manufacturing curcumin products and supplements therefore the product per se is not a novel product. But by understanding its current use it is possible to point out the areas that have never been explored. Companies such as Indena, Sabinsa, and Sigma Eldrich have been selling curcumin supplements over a decade. But it is astonishing to see that even today the full potential of curcumin and its derivatives has not been realized. This gives a possibility for companies to use such products for newer diseases. Reviewing diseases affecting Europe serves great importance since it explains the need for drugs in those sectors and consequentially the unmet medical need. About Curcumin Curcumin is a hydrophobic polyphenol derived from a the rhizome Curcuma longa (Turmeric). It is a gold-coloured spice frequently used in India, not just for health care but also for the preservation of food and as a dye for textiles. Since the time of Ayurveda (1900BC) numerous therapeutic actions have been assigned to curcumin for a selection of diseases, including skin diseases, pulmonary, and gastrointestinal systems, wounds, sprains, allergies and liver disorders. It is in the last few decades that curcumin has gained a lot of attention by researchers, scientists and nutraceuticals companies worldwide. It is due to this, that there have been more than a hundred experiments been conducted in animals and plants for various diseases. Konark Herbals and Health Care has a vast portfolio of curcumin extracts of various standards. The company manufactures the extract from 1% curcuminoid content up to 99% curcuminoids. KHHC products Curcuma longa powder extract (Total curcuminoids NLT 95% by HPLC/UV spectrophotometer) Curcuma longa powder extract (Total curcuminoids NLT 40% by HPLC/UV spectrophotometer) Curcuma longa powder extract (Total curcuminoids NLT 10% by HPLC/UV spectrophotometer) Curcuma longa Granular (Total curcuminoids NLT 95% by HPLC/UV spectrophotometer) Curcuma longa Granular (Total curcuminoids NLT 85% by HPLC/UV spectrophotometer) Uses There have been various trials conducted for a wide variety of diseases most of which have been successful but have not received their due. Below is a short summary of the various uses of curcumin Neurological Disorders: Curcumin being a potent anti inflammatory agent has found its use in a number of diseases. Various trials have been conducted for its use against several neurological disorders. Current treatments for the majority of these diseases have not succeeded adequate until now. Both of oxidative damage and inflammation have been proved as having roles in age-related neurodegenerative diseases. Because of its pluripotency, oral safety, prolonged history of use, and low cost, curcumin has huge potential for the prevention of numerous neurological conditions for which present therapeutics are less than optimal. Parkinsons disease Alzheimers disease Schizophrenia Depression Oncology: It has been proved that curcumin is an anti oxidant. This property of the molecule has allowed it use for several diseases such as diabetes mellitus, obesity, and metabolic syndrome. The anti oxidant property has potentiated its use even in the field of oncology which today is by far the most researched therapeutic category. Studies done on animals and humans have proved promising in more than just one type of cancer. There have been a number of articles published in journals all over the world regarding its potential use against prostate cancer, pancreatic cancer breast cancer and even blood cancer. Antibacterial Activity: Yet another property of curcumin is its proven use in the antibacterial and antifungal category. Curcumin was known to have antibacterial property since centuries but only recent experiments and research have proved its antibacterial activity. This has not only interested physicians but also veterinarians in potentially using curcumin as a topical drug. Patents The according to the Intellectual property rights, the use of curcumin cannot be patented since it is protected by traditional Knowledge of the country. But there have been several patents granted for novel drug delivery system of curcumin. The reason for modifying the molecule developing new delivery systems is because curcumin is a hydrophobic molecule and hence it has a low bioavailability. In order to over this problem researchers have formulated various novel systems to enhance its bioavailability. Understanding the current patents held for curcumin is needed because it shows how advance the industry is. A list of a few patents has been given below Water soluble curcumin based compounds , US patent application Curcumin Dextrin combinations, US patent application Buccal Drug Delivery System for Curcumin, US patent application Vaginal drug Delivery of curcumin, US patent application Spray freeze dry for pulmonary administration, US patent application Potential launch of curcumin products for Diabetes Mellitus Type 2: Diabetes is a chronic disease that arises when the pancreas does not produce enough insulin, or when the body cannot effectively use the insulin it produces. This leads to raised glucose levels in the blood and can cause long-term damage to the body and failure of various organs and tissues. Currently about 55 million Europeans are affected by diabetes Mellitus type 2. Studies conducted at research institutes have proven the effect of curcumin against diabetes. A comprehensive study was done on the diseases and the use of curcumin against various symptoms of the disease. A matrix approach was taken up. (As suggested by Dr Arun Bhatt, Clininvent) With the help of secondary research it was observed that curcumin can treat almost all symptoms relating to diabetes. Various poly herbal formulations are also in the development stage at Konark herbals and health care which have the potential to treat diabetic conditions. Through the research it was observed that several herbs in combination with curcumin could be used against the diabetic symptoms. Curcumin also has shown positive results for reducing cholesterol and LDL levels in the body i.e. preventing obesity. This can give curcumin an opportunity to act as a drug for pre diabetic syndrome. This can have a much better market since it has been observed that the trend amongst more people globally is cha nging from illness to wellness. Effect Potential Cure Eyes and vision Retinopathy caused due to oxidative stress and inflammation Cataract- does not prevent but delays its occurrence. Curcumin Feet and skin Foot ulcers. Polyherbal formulation (on going RD at Konark ) Joint pain osteoarthritis Osteoporosis- Curcumin , curcumin + Ashwagandha Oral Gum diseases Curcumin , curcumin + neem Curcumin in the form of THC Dry mouth Anti bacterial effect of curcumin Gingivitis Antibacterial effect s of curcumin Complications Alzheimers disease Curcumin, Melissa officinalis, ashwagandha, tinoprora cordifolia Cancer Prostate cancer Breast Cancer Colon Cancer Curcumin Cholesterol Metabolic syndrome Curcumin UTI Curcumin +boswelia antibacterial activity Further work remaining in the project: Potential launch of product for various diseases Speaking with the experts SWOT analysis Marketing strategies 4Ps Barriers to entry and overcoming challenges References: http://www.ema.europa.eu/ema/index.jsp?curl=pages/medicines/landing/vet_epar_search.jspHYPERLINK http://www.ema.europa.eu/ema/index.jsp?curl=pages/medicines/landing/vet_epar_search.jspmid=WC0b01ac058008d7a8HYPERLINK http://www.ema.europa.eu/ema/index.jsp?curl=pages/medicines/landing/vet_epar_search.jspmid=WC0b01ac058008d7a8mid=WC0b01ac058008d7a8 http://www.imb.ie/EN/Human-Medicines/Human-Medicines/Traditional-Herbal-Medicines-Registration-Scheme.aspx http://www.nutraceuticalsworld.com/issues/2008-07/view_features/the-global-herbs-amp-botanicals-market/ http://www.anh-europe.org/node/3113 http://www.turmeric-curcumin.com/ http://www.research.ucla.edu/tech/ucla02-427.htm http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/jps.22512/abstract http://www.medscape.com/viewarticle/754681 http://www.clininvent.com/clininvent/Publications/Complementary%20medicine%20Need%20for%20a%20balanced%20approach%20-%20Heal~1.htm http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2929771/

Augustine’s Divided Line Essay -- Essays Papers

Augustine’s Divided Line Augustine’s contention that man cannot possibly come into truth by reason in his temporal life constitutes his initial departure from the ancients, and results in the need for an entirely new structuring of the relationship between man and the good. In differentiating between the nature of God and man, Augustine argues that man’s nature—unlike God’s—is corruptible, and is thus â€Å"deprived of the light of eternal truth† (XI, 22) . This stands the thought of Plato on its head, since now no amount of contemplation and argument will be capable of getting man closer to a truth that exists on a plane that â€Å"surpasses the reach of the human mind† (XXI, 5). If reason is an instrument as flawed as man himself, how, then, is man to know the supreme good if he is forced to grope blindly for it in a state of sin without any assistance from the powers of his own mind? It is this question which serves as the premise for Augustine’s di vision of existence into the City of Man and the City of God and articulation of a system of vice and struggle against vice that keeps man anchored to the City of Man and prevents him from entering the City of God in temporal life. In order to explain man’s path from the one to the other, he sets up a system of dichotomies that originate from Adam’s fall and are hinged upon the role of the will in earthly life. At the top, God is the source of the â€Å"supreme good,† and evil is its opposite (XII, 3). Up to this point, he is in agreement with the ancients, but he diverges again when he equates the good with nature, and evil with a defect of nature—an absence of the good (XII, 3). In this we have the first division of what â€Å"supremely is† between nature and vice, with nature arising ... ...ty† (XII, 22). This is ultimately what is so shockingly egalitarian about Augustine’s Christianity in contrast to the thought of the ancients. The Supreme Good—eternal life—is accessible to both the simple and the sophisticated. One may either contemplate the duality of the universe and figure out where each aspect of creation fits into the scheme, or one may bypass the attempt to understand the temporal world in relation to heaven, but so long as one finally accepts faith and, through it, becomes obedient to God while discarding self-will, the extent to which one used reason in his life is irrelevant. Reason, except insofar as it is necessary in a basic sense for man to use it to accept faith to and differentiate himself from beasts, is not necessary for eternal life. What is necessary is the choice to stop exercising the self-will—to stop making choices. Augustine’s Divided Line Essay -- Essays Papers Augustine’s Divided Line Augustine’s contention that man cannot possibly come into truth by reason in his temporal life constitutes his initial departure from the ancients, and results in the need for an entirely new structuring of the relationship between man and the good. In differentiating between the nature of God and man, Augustine argues that man’s nature—unlike God’s—is corruptible, and is thus â€Å"deprived of the light of eternal truth† (XI, 22) . This stands the thought of Plato on its head, since now no amount of contemplation and argument will be capable of getting man closer to a truth that exists on a plane that â€Å"surpasses the reach of the human mind† (XXI, 5). If reason is an instrument as flawed as man himself, how, then, is man to know the supreme good if he is forced to grope blindly for it in a state of sin without any assistance from the powers of his own mind? It is this question which serves as the premise for Augustine’s di vision of existence into the City of Man and the City of God and articulation of a system of vice and struggle against vice that keeps man anchored to the City of Man and prevents him from entering the City of God in temporal life. In order to explain man’s path from the one to the other, he sets up a system of dichotomies that originate from Adam’s fall and are hinged upon the role of the will in earthly life. At the top, God is the source of the â€Å"supreme good,† and evil is its opposite (XII, 3). Up to this point, he is in agreement with the ancients, but he diverges again when he equates the good with nature, and evil with a defect of nature—an absence of the good (XII, 3). In this we have the first division of what â€Å"supremely is† between nature and vice, with nature arising ... ...ty† (XII, 22). This is ultimately what is so shockingly egalitarian about Augustine’s Christianity in contrast to the thought of the ancients. The Supreme Good—eternal life—is accessible to both the simple and the sophisticated. One may either contemplate the duality of the universe and figure out where each aspect of creation fits into the scheme, or one may bypass the attempt to understand the temporal world in relation to heaven, but so long as one finally accepts faith and, through it, becomes obedient to God while discarding self-will, the extent to which one used reason in his life is irrelevant. Reason, except insofar as it is necessary in a basic sense for man to use it to accept faith to and differentiate himself from beasts, is not necessary for eternal life. What is necessary is the choice to stop exercising the self-will—to stop making choices.

To Kill a Mockingbird by Harper Lee :: To Kill a Mockingbird Essays

The book, To Kill A Mockingbird, by Harper Lee, is a timeless classic about the coming of age of a small southern town and it’s people. The book follows Jem and Scout, two siblings living in the 1930’s in a small southern town. Their father, Atticus, is a lawyer who is hired to defend a black man who is accused of rape. The children watch the town and the trial change and grow. Atticus loses the trial and Tom Robinson, the man who is being accused of rape gets killed by prison guards. The whole town is in an uproar. Some people are furious, some are pleased, and others see it as no big deal. But for Jem and Scout it is a time for them to grow up and face the harsh realities of life. The three main themes in To Kill A Mockingbird are â€Å"racism†, â€Å"hypocrisy†, and â€Å"the world of adults†. The main theme in To Kill A Mockingbird is â€Å"racism†. Maycomb has both a black and white community. Both sides have racial views against the other. When Jem and Scout go to the black church a woman comes out and says, â€Å"You Ain’t got no business bringin’ white chillun here – they got their church, we out ours.† (Pg. 119) Both communities are hostile towards each other. When a black man is accused of a crime he didn’t commit, he is still found guilty because of his skin color. It is stated in the book, â€Å"In our courts, when its white man’s word against a black man’s, the white always wins. They’re ugly, but those are the facts of life.† (Pg. 220) However not all of the white people agree with this. Most of them think that Tom Robinson is guilty just because of the color of his skin. The second main theme in To Kill A Mockingbird is â€Å"hypocrisy†. Mrs. Merriweather talks about saving the poor Mrunas from Africa, but she thinks the black people in her community are a disgrace. She states, â€Å"At least we have the deceit to say to ‘em yes you’re as good as we are but stay away from us. Down here we just say you live your way and we’ll live ours.† (Pg. 234) But for the Mrunas she says, â€Å"I made a pledge in my heart. I said to myself, when I go home I’m going to give a course on the Mrunas†¦to Maycomb and that’s just what I’m doing.

Marketing Mix Nikon Essay

1.0 INTRODUCTION Alhamdulillah, first of all I would like to thank God as finally I were able to finish my assignment that have been given to me by sports facilities’ lecturer, Encik Noorazlan Bin Ab Aziz. He always listen and gives advice to me, he also taught me how to express my idea, showed me a different way to approach a research problem and need to be persistent to accomplish any goal. He always give me supports and guide to me how to do our assignment in purpose to produce a good outcome from research that been studied. Luckily, all the problems can be settled down and I were able to adapt properly and wisely. Besides that, big thank I address to the staffs Kelab Golf Pantai Sri Tujuh, Tumpat Kelantan because without their guides my project cannot be done properly like this. Place that I had choosed for this assignment is Pantai Sri Tujuh, Tumpat Kelantan. Finally, thank to my friend, my classmate, my sister that always help me finished my assignment, helping me anytime and solving my unsolved problem. Hope that all the effort will give a lot of benefits to me and also to my assignment. 2.0 BACKGROUND OF PANTAI SRI TUJUH 3.0 OBJECTIVES The objective of this club is to provide social and recreational activities for members. It is also to conduct major national and local competitions as development process to upgrade skill and status of the members in golf. This club also play role to establish and conduct development programmes for youth and aspiring members.As for the other golf club this club try to achieve the vision to be a well-known club and promote the sport of golf to the local as the golf is not popular like football to the local.So the management of this club want to address the local about the golf so that sport of golf can get its place in the local citizens’ heart. 4.0 The organization chart This is the organization chart for Pantai Sri Tujuh Golf Club. This chart is not fully finish due to the staff changes and the improvement of the organization system in order to compete with other successful club and achieve the objective of this club. 5.0 Facilities and services offered in Pantai Sri Tujuh * Chalets * Management office * Surau * Toilets * Air conditioner * Sport light * Parking area * Cafe * Store for equipment * Dustbins * Television * Fire extinguisher * Post guard * Bunker * Diving range * Waterpark 6.0 SOME EXAMPLES OF FACILITIES AND SERVICES Chalets Toilet Cafe Management Office Spotlight Air-conditioner Lobby Hall 7.0 SOME EXAMPLES OF EQUIPMENTS 8.0 LEGAL RESPONSIBILITY Pantai Sri Tujuh Golf Club is continuously looking into the future growth of the company and its people who will make it happen. We’re looking to build up a world-class team of experienced and motivated individuals, who will bring their expertise to maximize the value of our technology and business development activities. 8.1 Responsibilities : * The management provide a locker for the player * They provide rules for player and the spectators while playing golf * They briefing about how to play golf for the new player * Serving meal for the players 9.0 MANAGING FACILITIES 9.1 supervision Every 2 days they will send report to supervisor about daily usage of equipment. For example how many balls the player used. They also do scheduling work 2 people in morning session and 2 people in night session. 9.2 Booking To play in this club, players do not have to book. They can play on the spot and anytime they want except on Saturday. This is because on that day the VIP from secretary of Kelantan have booked the golf club for the VIP. 9.3 Schedulling This club opened from 8.00 a.m to 12.00 a.m. there have two shift. One shift starts from 8.00 a.m to 5.00 p.m. around this time the customers or the players can contact the organizer at Pantai Sri Tujuh. After 5pm till 12am the customers can ask the driving range crew for any reservation or wanted to play in the golf field. 9.4 Package * RM 9 for 100 balls * RM5 for 50 balls 10.0 FACILITY SYSTEM AND OPERATION THE FAN * They provide air conditioner in meeting room, management office, surau, THE LIGHTNING * They provide this lightning, pendaflour at surau, toilet, management office. That’s means each corner have one pendaflour. SPOTLIGHT * Spotlight are available for lighting purpose. 11.0 FACILITY MAINTENANCE Every day, employees will check the equipment and count the ball to make sure all the equipments are in good condition and are complete. If the balls are not enough, they have to report to their supervisor to supply the balls for the player. Sometimes player will hit the ball outside the driving range. The stuff on the duty has to collect all the balls and record the data in maintenance book. Every three days a week, supervisor will check the data and give a comment and feedback. This is the store that keeps all the equipments. 12.0 RISK MANAGEMENT AND SECURITY This is a picture to remind the visitors and customers on certain things which are: * The customers are not allowed to bring their own golf ball. * They are not allowed to collect the cluttered golf ball on the field. * They are not allowed to hit the ball in front of the driving range. * Any injury are not in the responsibility of the golf club * They are not allow wearing slippers but are necessary to wear a proper golf shoes during playing golf. The golf club promotes CCTV to manage their security department. This because, the operation hour of this club house open till 12am. They also provided 24hours guard to keep the golf club in safe. Those people who got nothing to do with the golf club or do not have any proper appointment are allowed in the area of Pantai Sri Tujuh Golf Club. This is a simple prompt for all the customers and visitors on the rules and regulations of the field. A good facility must have this kind of rules and regulation to guide people on how to use the facil ity correctly. 13.0 FACILITY EVENTS AND ACTIVITY MANAGEMENT 13.1 Some events from the others management The above picture shows some of the souvenirs from other management that collaborates with Pantai Sri Tujuh Golf Club. Usually the events are participating by the staff of the golf club itself. As you can see, Pantai Sri Tujuh Golf Club love to team up with other organization because this golf club really appreciate their working partner and they respect them as their customers. 13.2 VIP Club Members This is the Board Members of Pantai Sri Tujuh Golf Club. The one in the blue shirt is the secretary of Kelantan. He always comes to this golf club to play every Saturday. They always organized some events within the VIP committee. They love to come here because of the view and the scenery. The exciting view of this golf club is facing the ocean so it attracts not only VIP but the normal people who love to play golf.The surrounding around this golf club provide the members fresh air and condition. 14.0 CONCLUSIONS In conclusion, I chosed Pantai Sri Tujuh Golf Club because of the view and scenery. The exciting view of this golf club is facing the ocean so it attracts not only VIP but the normal people who love to play golf. People who are check in at Pantai Sri Tujuh chalet also can spend their time at this golf club. This golf club provides many facilities about golf. It have bunker, driving range, and. Near the golf club there has a water park which is only provided for children. The customers no need to worry about the safety of their children as there has a guard to keep his eye on them. There also have chalets for the visitors and customers to stay at Pantai Sri Tujuh. In front of the chalet there also has a hall for the visitors to make barbeque, birthday party or what else. With this facilities provided, the customers will satisfied and feel more comfortable to come to this club besides they feel safe. Therefore, this golf club is still in progress and will upgrade the incomplete facilit ies. The manager wants to make this golf club more official and famous among the people in this country.So that this club becomes a well-known club in this country of Malaysia.With such a vision no wonder in a few years the PGA Tours will held in Kelantan specifically at Pantai Seri Tujuh Golf Club. 15.0 REFERENCES Persons that I interviewed at Pantai Seri Tujuh Gof Club : 1.Mr. Khairul Ahmad 2. Mr. Khairuliswadi Bin Ali 3.Mr. Mohd Faisal Bin Rosnan 4.Mr. Mohd Syukri Bin Salleh 5.Mr, Baharuddin Bin Ismail 16.0 APPENDIX

Japanese Occupation Essay

Characteristics of Philippine literature during Japanese occupation 1. The Philippine literature during that time is full of chaos, war, because of Japanese occupation. 2. Filipinos during that time surrender but instead of giving up till the end they fight together with general Douglas MacArthur 3. The Philippines is conquered by Japanese but because of guerrillas some islands are conquered. 4. Japanese had pressed large numbers of Filipinos into work details and even put young Filipino women into brothels. Historical background Japan launched an attack on the Philippines on December 8, 1941, just ten hours after their attack on Pearl Harbor. Initial aerial bombardment was followed by landings of ground troops both north and south of Manila. The defending Philippine and United States troops were under the command of General Douglas MacArthur, who had been recalled to active duty in the United States Army earlier in the year and was designated commander of the United States Armed Forces in the Asia-Pacific region. The aircraft of his command were destroyed; the naval forces were ordered to leave; and because of the circumstances in the Pacific region, reinforcement and resupply of his ground forces were impossible. Under the pressure of superior numbers, the defending forces withdrew to the Bataan Peninsula and to the island of Corregidor at the entrance to Manila Bay. Manila, declared an open city to prevent its destruction, was occupied by the Japanese on January 2, 1942. The Philippine defense continued until the final surrender of United States-Philippine forces on the Bataan Peninsula in April 1942 and on Corregidor in May. Most of the 80,000 prisoners of war captured by the Japanese at Bataan were forced to undertake the infamous â€Å"Bataan Death March† to a prison camp 105 kilometers to the north. It is estimated that as many as 10,000 men, weakened by disease and malnutrition and treated harshly by their captors, died before reaching their destination. Quezon and Osmeà ±a had accompanied the troops to Corregidor and later left for the United States, where they set up a government-in-exile. MacArthur was ordered to Australia, where he started to plan for a return to the Philippines. The occupation The Japanese military authorities immediately began organizing a new government structure in the Philippines. Although the Japanese had promised independence for the islands after occupation, they initially organized a Council of State through which they directed civil affairs until October 1943, when they declared the Philippines an independent republic. Most of the Philippine elite, with a few notable exceptions, served under the Japanese. Philippine collaboration in Japanese-sponsored political institutions – which later became a major domestic political issue – was motivated by several considerations. Among them was the effort to protect the people from the harshness of Japanese rule (an effort that Quezon himself had advocated), protection of family and personal interests, and a belief that Philippine nationalism would be advanced by solidarity with fellow Asians. Many collaborated to pass information to the Allies. The Japanese-sponsored republic headed by Preside nt Josà © P. Laurel proved to be unpopular. Resistance Japanese occupation of the Philippines was opposed by active and successful underground and guerrilla activity that increased over the years which eventually covered a big portion of the country. Opposing these guerrillas were a Japanese-formed Bureau of Constabulary (later taking the name of the old Constabulary during the Second Republic), Kempeitai, and the Makapili.[4]Postwar investigations showed that about 260,000 people were in guerrilla organizations and that members of the anti-Japanese underground were even more numerous. Such was their effectiveness that by the end of the war, Japan controlled only twelve of the forty-eight provinces. The Philippine guerrilla movement continued to grow, in spite of Japanese campaigns against them. Throughout Luzon and the southern islands Filipinos joined various groups and vowed to fight the Japanese. The commanders of these groups made contact with one another, argued about who was in charge of what territory, and began to formulate plans to assist the return of American forces to the islands. They gathered important intelligence information and smuggled it out to the American Army, a process that sometimes took months. General MacArthur formed a clandestine operation to support the guerrillas. He had Lieutenant Commander Charles â€Å"Chick† Parsons smuggle guns, radios and supplies to them by submarine. The guerrilla forces, in turn, built up their stashes of arms and explosives and made plans to assist MacArthur’s invasion by sabotaging Japanese communications lines and attacking Japanese forces from the rear. Various guerrilla forces formed throughout the archipelago, ranging from groups of U.S. Army Forces Far East (USAFFE) forces who refused to surrender to local militia initially organized to combat banditry brought about by disorder caused by the invasion. Several islands in the Visayas region had guerrilla forces led by Filipino officers, such as Colonel Macario Peralta in Panay, Major Ismael Ingeniero in Bohol, and Captain Salvador Abcede in Negros. The island of Mindanao, being farthest from the center of Japanese occupation, had 38,000 guerrillas that were eventually consolidated under the command of American civil engineer Colonel Wendell Fertig. One resistance group in the Central Luzon area was known as the Hukbalahap (Hukbo ng Bayan Laban sa Hapon), or the People’s Anti-Japanese Army organized in early 1942 under the leadership of Luis Taruc, a communist party member since 1939. The Huks armed some 30,000 people and extended their control over portions of Luzon.[11] However, guerrilla activities on Luzon were hampered due to heavy Japanese presence and infighting of the various groups,[12] including Hukbalahap troops attacking American-led guerrilla units.[13][14] Lack of equipment, difficult terrain and undeveloped infrastructure made coordination of these groups nearly impossible, and for several months in 1942 all contact was lost with Philippine resistance forces. Communications were restored in November 1942 when the reformed Philippine 61st Division on Panay island led by Colonel Macario Peralta was able to establish radio contact with the USAFFE command in Australia. This enabled the forwarding of intelligence regarding Japanese forces in the Philippines to SWPA command as well as consolidating the once sporadic guerrilla activities and allowing the guerrillas to help in the war effort. Among the signal units of Col Peralta were the 61 Signal Company manned by 2LtLudovico Arroyo Baà ±as, which was attached to forces of the 6th Military Division, stationed in Passi, Iloilo, under the command of Capt. Eliseo Espia; and the 64th Signal Company of the same Military Division, under the Command of LtCol. Cesar Hechanova, to which 2Lt. Baà ±as was given the responsibility sometime later. Increasing amounts of supplies and radio were delivered by submarine to aid the guerrilla effort. By the time of the Leyte invasion, four submarines were dedicated exclusively to the delivery of supplies to the guerrillas. Other guerrilla units were attached to the SWPA, and were active throughout the archipelago. Some of these units were organized or directly connected to pre-surrender units ordered to mount guerrilla actions. An example of this was Troop C, 26th Cavalry. Other guerrilla units were made up of former Philippine Army and Philippine Scouts soldiers who had been released from POW camps by the Japanese. Others were combined units of Americans, military and civilian, who had never surrendered or had escaped after surrendering, and Filipinos, Christians and Moros, who had initially formed their own small units. Colonel Wendell Fertig organized such a group on Mindanao that not only effectively resisted the Japanese, but formed a complete government that often operated in the open throughout the island. Some guerrilla units would later be assisted by American submarines who delivered supplies,[21] evacuate refugees and injured, as well as inserted individuals and whole units, such as the 5217th Reconnaissance Battalion, and Alamo Scouts. By the end of the war some 277 separate guerrilla units made up of some 260,715 individuals fought in the resistance movement.Select units of the resistance would go on to be reorganized and equipped as units of the Philippine Army and Constabulary. End of the occupation When General MacArthur returned to the Philippines with his army late in 1944, he was well supplied with information. It has been said that by the time MacArthur returned, he knew what every Japanese lieutenant ate for breakfast and where he had his hair cut. But the return was not easy. The Japanese Imperial General Staff decided to make the Philippines their final line of defense, and to stop the American advance toward Japan. They sent every available soldier, airplane and naval vessel into the defense of the Philippines. The Kamikaze corps was created specifically to defend the Philippines. The Battle of Leyte Gulf was the biggest naval battle of World War II, and the campaign to re-take the Philippines was the bloodiest campaign of the Pacific War. But intelligence information gathered by the guerrillas averted a bigger disaster—they revealed the plans of Japanese General Yamashita to entrap MacArthur’s army, and they led the liberating soldiers to the Japanese fortifications. MacArthur’s Allied forces landed on the island of Leyte on October 20, 1944, accompanied byOsmeà ±a, who had succeeded to the commonwealth presidency upon the death of Quezon on August 1, 1944. Landings then followed on the island of Mindoro and around the Lingayen Gulfon the west side of Luzon, and the push toward Manila was initiated. The Commonwealth of the Philippines was restored. Fighting was fierce, particularly in the mountains of northern Luzon, where Japanese troops had retreated, and in Manila, where they put up a last-ditch resistance. The Philippine Commonwealth troops and the recognized guerrilla fighter units rose up everywhere for the final offensive. Filipino guerrillas also played a large role during the liberation. One guerrilla unit came to substitute for a regularly constituted American division, and other guerrilla forces of battalion and regimental size supplemented the efforts of the U.S. Army units. Moreover, the loyal and willing Filipino population immeasurably eased the problems of supply, construction,civil administration and furthermore eased the task of Allied forces in recapturing the country. Fighting continued until Japan’s formal surrender on September 2, 1945. The Philippines had suffered great loss of life and tremendous physical destruction by the time the war was over. An estimated 1 million Filipinos had been killed from all causes; of these 131,028 were listed as killed in seventy-two war crime events. U.S. casualties were 10,380 dead and 36,550 wounded; Japanese dead were 255,795. A Japanese soldier stand in front of US propaganda, in the Philippines. American period 1898–1946 This article covers the history of the Philippines from 1898 to 1946 and spans the Spanish-American War (after which the United States acquired the Philippines from Spain) and the subsequent Philippine–American War, the Philippines as a U.S. territory, the Philippine Commonwealth, the Japanese occupation of the Philippines during the World War II, and Philippine independence from the U.S. in 1946. (but I will not include the Japanese occupation because I already did in previous topic) *The Katipunan revolution which had begun in 1896 had formally ended with the Pact of Biak-na-Bato, a truce between the Spanish government and the principal revolutionary leaders which had been signed in November 1897. Emilio Aguinaldo, who held the office of President in the revolutionary government, and other revolutionary leaders were given amnesty and a monetary indemnity by the Spanish government in return for which the rebel government had agreed to go into voluntary exile in Hong Kong. ————————————————- Spanish-American War period (1898) ————————————————- On April 19, 1898, following on a joint congressional resolution, U.S. President William McKinley signed an ultimatum demanding that the government of Spain at once relinquish its authority and government in the Island of Cuba and withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters. This resulted on April 20 in a declaration of war against the United States by Spain, followed on April 25 by a declaration of war by the U.S. against Spain. ————————————————- On February 25, 1898, following the sinking of the USS Maine in Havana Harbor on February 15, Theodore Roosevelt sent the following cable to Commodore George Dewey, commanding the U.S. Navy’s Asiatic Squadron: â€Å"| Order the squadron, except the Monocacy, to Hong Kong. Keep full of coal. In the event of declaration of war Spain, your duty will be to see that the Spanish squadron does not leave the Asiatic coast, and then offensive operations in Philippine Islands. Keep Olympia until further orders.| †| The gunboat USS Monocacy was at the time on assignment to carry the U.S. Minister to China on visits to the open ports on the Yangtze River. On April 24 word was received that the U.S. and Spain were at war, and the squadron was ordered by the British (a non-belligerent) to leave Hong Kong. It first moved 30 miles north to Mirs Bay on the Chinese coast and the departed from there for the Philippines on April 27, reaching Manila Bay on the evening of April 30. Battle of Manila Bay The first battle of the Spanish-American war took place in the Philippines. On May 1, 1898. In a matter of hours, Commodore Dewey’s Asiatic Squadron defeated the Spanish squadron under Admiral Patricio Montojo y Pasarà ³n. The U.S. squadron took control of the arsenal and navy yard at Cavite and Dewey cabled Washington stating that, although he controlled Manila Bay, he needed 5000 men to seize Manila itself. U.S. preparation for land operations and resumption of the Philippine revolution The completeness of Dewey’s victory, so early in the war, prompted the administration of President William McKinley to send the troops necessary to capture Manila from the Spanish. The U.S. Army sent substantially more than Dewey asked for, the 10,844 man VIII Corps (PE), under the command of Major General Wesley Merritt. Meanwhile, Dewey dispatched the cutter McCulloch to Hong Kong to transport Aguinaldo to the Philippines. Aguinaldo arrived on May 19 and, after a brief meeting with Dewey, resumed revolutionary activities against the Spanish. Public jubilance marked the Aguinaldo’s return. Several revolutionaries, as well as Filipino soldiers employed by the Spanish army, submitted themselves to Aguinaldo’s command and the Philippine Revolution against Spain resumed. Soon, Imus and Bacoor in Cavite,Paraà ±aque and Las Pià ±as in Morong, Macabebe and San Fernando in Pampanga, as well as Laguna, Batangas, Bulacan, Nueva Ecija,Bataan, Tayabas (now Quezon), and th e Camarines provinces, were liberated by the Filipinos and the port of Dalahican in Cavite was secured. The revolution was gaining ground. On May 24, 1898, in Cavite, Aguinaldo issued a proclamation in which he assumed command of all Philippine forces and established a dictatorial government with himself as dictator. Philippine declaration of independence and establishment of Philippine governments On 12 June 1898, at Aguinaldo’s ancestral home in Cavite, Philippine independence was proclaimed and The Act of Declaration of Philippine Independence was read. The act had been prepared and written by Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista in Spanish, who also read it. The act opens with the following words: â€Å"| In the town of Cavite-Viejo, Province of Cavite, this 12th day of June 1898:BEFORE ME, Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista, War Counsellor and Special Delegate designated to proclaim and solemnize this Declaration of Independence by the Dictatorial Government of the Philippines, pursuant to, and by virtue of, a Decree issued by the Engregious Dictator Don Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy, †¦| †| On 18 June, Aguinaldo issued a decree formally establishing his dictatorial government. On June 23, Aguinaldo issued a decree replacing his dictatorial government with a revolutionary government, with himself as President. Aguinaldo later claimed that an American naval officer urged him t o return to the Philippines to fight the Spanish and said â€Å"The United States is a great and rich nation and needs no colonies†. Aguinaldo said that after checking with Dewey by telegraph, U.S. Consul E. Spencer Pratt had assured him in Singapore: â€Å"That the United States would at least recognize the Independence of the Philippines under the protection of the United States Navy. The Consul added that there was no necessity for entering into a formal written agreement because the word of the Admiral and of the United States Consul were in fact equivalent to the most solemn pledge that their verbal promises and assurance would be fulfilled to the letter and were not to be classed with Spanish promises or Spanish ideas of a man’s word of honour. Aguinaldo received nothing in writing. On April 28 Pratt wrote the Secretary of State, explaining he had met Aguinaldo, and stating just what he had done: â€Å"| â€Å"At this interview, after learning from General Aguinaldo the state of an object sought to be obtained by the present insurrectionary movement, which, though absent from the Philippines, he wa s still directing, I took it upon myself, whilst explaining that I had no authority to speak for the Government, to point out the danger of continuing independent action at this stage; and, having convinced him of the expediency of cooperating with our fleet, then at Hongkong, and obtained the assurance of his willingness to proceed thither and confer with Commodore Dewey to that end, should the latter so desire, I telegraphed the Commodore the same day as follows, through our consul-general at Hongkong | †| There was no mention in the cablegrams between Pratt and Dewey of independence or indeed of any conditions on which Aguinaldo was to coà ¶perate, these details being left for future arrangement with Dewey; and that Pratt thought that he had prevented possible conflict of action and facilitated the work of occupying and administering the Philippines.† and says that a subsequent communication written on July 28, 1898, Pratt made the following statement:– â€Å"| â€Å"I declined even to discuss with General Aguinaldo the question of the future policy of the United States with regard to the Philippines, that I held out no hopes to him of any kind, committed the government in no way whatever, and, in the course of our confidences, never acted upon the assumption that the Government would cooperate with him–General Aguinaldo–for the furtherance of any plans of his own, nor that, in accepting his said cooperation, it would consider itself pledged to recognize any political claims which he might put forward.†| †| On June 16 Secretary Day cabled Consul Pratt: â€Å"Avoid unauthorized negotiations with the Philippine insurgents,† and the Secretary wrote the consul on the same day â€Å"| The Department observes that you informed General Aguinaldo that you had no authority to speak for the United States; and, in the absence of the fuller report which you promise, it is assumed that you did not attempt to commit this Government to any alliance with the Philippine insurgents. To obtain the unconditional personal assistance of GeneralAguinaldo in the expedition to Manila was proper, if in so doing he was not induced to form hopes which it might not he practicable to gratify. This Government has known the Philippine insurgents only as discontented and rebellious subjects of Spain, and is not acquainted with their purposes. While their contest with that power has been a matter of public notoriety, they have neither asked nor received from this Government any recognition. The United States, in entering upon the occupation of the islands, as the result of its military operations in that quarter, will do so in the exercise of the rights which the state of war confers, and will expect from the inhabitants, without regard to their former attitude toward the Spanish Government, that obedience which will be lawfully due from them.If, in the course of your conferences with General Aguinaldo, you acted upon the assumption that this Government would co-operate with him for the furtherance of any plan of his own, or that, in accepting his co-operation, it would consider itself pledged to recognize any political claims which he may put forward, your action was unauthorized and can not be approved.| †| Filipino scholar Maximo Kalaw wrote in 1927: â€Å"A few of the principal facts, however, seem quite clear. Aguinaldo was not made to understand that, in consideration of Filipino cooperation, the United States would extend its sovereignty over the Islands, and thus in place of the old Spanish master a new one would step in. The truth was that nobody at the time ever thought that the end of the war would result in the retention of the Philippines by the United States.† Tensions between U.S. and revolutionary forces This and some subsequent sections of this article extensively cite portions of Worcester’s 1914 book which rely heavily on â€Å"insurgent documents† — documents of Aguinaldo’s government which, after being captured by U.S. forces, were translated into English from the original Tagalog and Spanish and were compiled and annotated by U.S. Army Captain John R. M. Taylor. In his letter of transmittal for the compilation, Taylor wrote that the documents in the compilation â€Å"| These telegrams were found by me while in charge of the division of military information, adjutant-general’s office, Division of the Philippines, among a mass of papers captured from the so-called insurgent government. I do not suppose that they are by any means all the telegrams received by Aguinaldo between June, 1898 and March, 1899. They are merely papers which have survived the vicissitudes of warfare and the series must necessarily be incomplete, but they show, to me at least, that Aguinaldo relied much on the opinion and advice of other men; that there was serious opposition to his government even in Luzon; that it had been fully determined to attack the Americans in Manila upon a favorable opportunity, and that in the event of the success of this attack the so-called insurgent government would not have continued even to call itself a republic. A republic does not award titles of nobility.| †| The first contingent of American troops under General Thomas Anderson, arrived on 30 June, the second under General Frank V. Greene on July 17, and the third under General Arthur MacArthur on July 30. General Anderson wrote Aguinaldo requesting his cooperation in military operations against the Spanish forces. Aguinaldo responded, thanking General Anderson for his amicable sentiments, but saying nothing about mili tary cooperation; General Anderson did not renew the request. In a July 9, 1898 letter, General Anderson informed the Adjutant-General (AG) of the United States Army that Aguinaldo â€Å"has declared himself Dictator and President, and is trying to take Manila without our assistance.†, opining that that would not be probable but, if done, would allow him to antagonize any U.S. attempt to establish a provisional government. On July 15, 1898, Aguinaldo issued three organic decrees assuming civil authority of the Philippines. On July 18, General Anderson wrote that he suspected Aguinaldo to be secretly negotiating with the Spanish authorities. In a 21 July letter to the Adjunt General, General Anderson wrote the Adjudant General that he had ignored Aguinaldo’s assumption of civil authority, and had let him know verbally that he could, and would, not recognize it. In another July 21 letter, General Anderson said: â€Å"Since I wrote last, Aguinaldo has put in operation an elaborate system of military government, under his assumed aut hority as Dictator, and has prohibited any supplies being given us, except by his order.† On July 24, Aguinaldo wrote a letter to General Anderson in effect warning him not to disembark American troops in places conquered by the Filipinos from the Spaniards without first communicating in writing the places to be occupied and the object of the occupation. Murat Halstead, official historian of the Philippine Expedition writes that General Merritt remarked shortly after his arrival on 25 June, â€Å"As General Aguinaldo did not visit me on my arrival, nor offer his services as a subordinate military leader, and as my instructions from the President fully contemplated the occupation of the islands by the American land forces, and stated that ‘the powers of the military occupant are absolute and supreme and immediately operate upon the political condition of the inhabitants,’ I did not consider it wise to hold any direct communication with the insurgent leader until I should be in possession of the city of Manila, especially as I would not until then be in a posi tion to issue a proclamation and enforce my authority, in the event that his pretensions should clash with my designs.† U.S. commanders suspected that Aguinaldo and his forces were informing the Spanish of American movements. Major J. R. M. Taylor later wrote, after translating and analyzing insurgent documents, â€Å"The officers of the United States Army who believed that the insurgents were informing the Spaniards of the American movements were right. Sastrà ³n has printed a letter from Pà ­o del Pilar, dated July 30, to the Spanish officer commanding at Santa Ana, in which Pilar said that Aguinaldo had told him that the Americans would attack the Spanish lines on August 2 and advised that the Spaniards should not give way, but hold their positions. Pilar added, however, that if the Spaniards should fall back on the walled city and surrender Santa Ana to himself, he would hold it with his own men. Aguinaldo’s information was correct, and on August 2 eight American soldiers were killed or wounded by the Spanish fire.† Peace protocol between the U.S. and Spain On August 12, 1898, the New York Times reported that a peace protocol had been signed in Washington at 4:23 that afternoon between the U.S. and Spain, suspending hostilities and defining the terms on which peace negotiations are to be carried on between the two. Due to time zone differences, this was in the very early morning of 13 August in Manila. The text of the protocol was not made public until November 5, but Article 3 read: â€Å"The United States will occupy and hold the City, Bay, and Harbor of Manila, pending the conclusion of a treaty of peace, which shall determine the control, disposition, and government of the Philippines.† Capture of Manila Main article: Battle of Manila (1898) On the evening of August 12, on orders of General Merritt, General Anderson notified Aguinaldo to forbid the Insurgents under his command from entering Manila. On 13 August, unaware of the peace protocol signing, U.S. forces assaulted and captured the Spanish positions in Manila. Insurgents made an independent attack of their own, as planned, which promptly led to trouble with the Americans. At 8 A.M. Aguinaldo received a telegram from General Anderson sternly warning him not to let his troops enter Manila without the consent of the American commander on the south side of the Pasig River. No attention was paid to General Anderson’s request that the Insurgent troops should not enter Manila without permission. They crowded forward with and after the American forces and found American and Spanish troops confronting each other but not firing. A flag of truce was waving from the Spanish, nevertheless the insurgents fired on the Spanish forces, provoking a return fire which killed a nd wounded American soldiers. General Anderson’s losses in the taking of the city was nineteen men killed and one hundred and three wounded. General Anderson, sent Aguinaldo a telegram, received by the latter at 6:35 P.M., as follows â€Å"| Dated Ermita Headquarters 2nd Division 13 to Gen. Aguinaldo. Commanding Filipino Forces.–Manila, taken. Serious trouble threatened between our forces. Try and prevent it. Your troops should not force themselves in the city until we have received the full surrender then we will negotiate with you._Anderson_, commanding.| †| Aguinaldo demanded joint occupation of Manila. On August 13 Admiral Dewey and General Merritt informed their superiors of this and asked how far they might proceed in enforcing obedience in the matter. General Merritt received news of the August 12 peace protocol on August 16, three days after the surrender of Manila. Admiral dewey and General Merritt were informed by a telegram dated August 17 that the President of the United States had directed: â€Å"| That there must be no joint occupation with the Insurgents. The United States in the possession o f Manila city, Manila bay and harbor must preserve the peace and protect persons and property within the territory occupied by their military and naval forces. The insurgents and all others must recognize the military occupation and authority of the United States and the cessation of hostilities proclaimed by the President. Use whatever means in your judgment are necessary to this end.| †| Insurgent forces were looting the portions of the city which they occupied, and as is abundantly shown by their own records were not confining their attacks to Spaniards, but were assaulting their own people and raiding the property of foreigners as well, and U.S. commanders pressed Aguinaldo to withdraw his forces from Manila. Negotiations proceeded slowly and, on August 31, General Elwell Otis (General Merritt being unavailable) wrote, in a long letter to Aguinaldo: â€Å"†¦ I am compelled by my instructions to direct that your armed forces evacuate the entire city of Manila, including its suburbs and defences, and that I shall be obliged to take action with that end in view within a very short space of time should you decline to comply with my Government’s demands; and I hereby serve notice on you that unless your troops are withdrawn beyond the line of the city’s defences before Thursday, the 15th instant, I shall be obliged to resort to forcible action, and that my Government will hold you responsible for any unfortunate consequences which may ensue.† After some further negotiation and exchanges of letters Aguinaldo wrote on September 16: â€Å"On the evening of the 15th the armed insurgent organizations withdrew from the city and all of its suburbs, †¦Ã¢â‚¬  In later congressional testimony in the U.S., Dewey described an arrangement he had made with the Spanish commander for the surrender of Manila: â€Å"That the Spaniards were ready to surrender, but before doing so I must engage one of the outlying forts. I selected one at Malate, away from the city. They said I must engage that and fire for a while, and then I was to make a signal by the international code, ‘Do you surrender?’ Then they were to hoist a white flag at a certain bastion; and I may say now that I was the first one to discover the white flag. We had 50 people looking for that white flag, but I happened to be the first one who saw it. I fired for a while, and then made the signal according to the programme. We could not see the white flag†”it was rather a thick day—but finally I discovered it on the south bastion; I don’t know how long it had been flying there when I first saw it.† U.S. and insurgents clash In a clash at Cavite between United States soldiers and insurgents on August 25, George Hudson, a member of the Utah regiment, was killed, Corporal William Anderson, of the same battery, was mortally wounded, and four troopers of the Fourth Cavalry were slightly wounded. This provoked general Anderson to send Aguinaldo a letter saying, â€Å"In order to avoid the very serious misfortune of an encounter between our troops, I demand your immediate withdrawal with your guard from Cavite. One of my men has been killed and three wounded by your people. This is positive and does not admit of explanation or delay.† Internal insurgent communications reported that the Americans were drunk at the time. Halstead writes that Aguinaldo expressed his regret and promised to punish the offenders. In internal insurgent communications, Apolinario Mabini initially proposed to investigate and punish any offenders identified. Aguinaldo modified this, ordering, â€Å"†¦ say that he was not killed by your soldiers, but by them themselves (the Americans) since they were drunk according to your telegram† An Insurgent officer in Cavite at the time reported on his record of services that he: â€Å"took part in the movement against the Americans on the afternoon of the 24th of August, under the orders of the commander of the troops and the adjutant of the post.† Philippine elections, Malolos Congress, Constitutional government Elections were held by the Revolutionary Government between June and September 10, resulting in Emilio Aguinaldo being seated as President in the seating of a legislature known as the Malolos Congress. In a session between September 15 and November 13, 1898, the Malolos Constitution was adopted, creating the First Philippine Republic. Negros Revolution and Republic of Negros November 6, 1898 was the day that the Negros Revolution concluded. The Cantonal Republic of Negros was established on November 27, 1898 and ended on April 30, 1901. Spanish-American War ends Article V of the peace protocol signed on August 12 had mandated negotiations to conclude a treaty of peace to begin in Paris not later than October 1, 1898. President McKinley sent a five man commission, initially instructed to demand no more than Luzon, Guam, and Puerto Rico; which would have provided a limited U.S. empire of pinpoint colonies to support a global fleet and provide communication links. In Paris, the commission was besieged with advice, particularly from American generals and European diplomats, to demand the entire Philippine archipelago. The unanimous recommendation was that â€Å"it would certainly be cheaper and more humane to take the entire Philippines than to keep only part of it.† On 28 October 1898, McKinley wired the commission that â€Å"cessation of Luzon alone, leaving the rest of the islands subject to Spanish rule, or to be the subject of future contention, cannot be justified on political, commercial, or humanitarian grounds.The cessation must be the whole archipeligo or none.The latter is wholly inadmissible, and the former must therefore be required.† The Spanish negotiators were furious over the â€Å"immodist demands of a conqueror†, but their wounded pride was assauged by an offer of twenty million dollars for â€Å"Spanish improvements† to the islands. The Spaniards capitulated, and on December 10, 1898, the U.S. and Spain signed the Treaty of Paris, formally ending the Spanish-American war. In Article III, Spain ceded the Philippine archipelago to the United States, as follows: â€Å"Spain cedes to the United States the archipelago known as the Philippine Islands, and comprehending the islands lying within the following lin e: [†¦ geographic description elided †¦]. The United States will pay to Spain the sum of twenty million dollars ($20,000,000) within three months after the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty.[46]† In the U.S., there was a movement for Philippine independence; some said that the U.S. had no right to a land where many of the people wanted self-government. In 1898, Andrew Carnegie, an industrialist and steel magnate, offered to buy the Philippines for twenty million United States dollars and give it to the Filipinos so that they could be free of United States government. On November 7, 1900, Spain and the U.S. signed the Treaty of Washington, clarifying that the territories relinquished by Spain to the United States included any and all islands belonging to the Philippine Archipelago, but lying outside the lines described in the Treaty of Paris. That treaty explicitly named the islands of Cagayan Sulu and Sibutu and their dependencies as among the relinquished territories.

History of Mexican Revolution Essay

The novel transports readers to a ghost town on the desert plains in Mexico, and there it weaves together tales of passion, loss, and revenge. The village of Comala is populated by the wandering souls of former inhabitants, individuals not yet pure enough to enter heaven. Like the character Juan Preciado, who travels to Comala and suddenly finds himself confused, as readers we are not sure about what we see, hear, or understand. But the novel is enigmatic for other reasons. Since publication in 1955, the novel has come to define a style of writing in Mexico. Sparse language, echoes of orality, details heavy with meaning, and a fragmentary structure transformed the literary representation of rural life; instead of the social realism that had dominated in earlier decades, Rulfo created a quintessentially Mexican, modernist gothic.. The haunting effect of Pedro Paramo derives from the fitful story of Mexican modernity, a story that the novel tells in a way that more â€Å"objective† historical and sociological analyses cannot. As an aesthetic expression characterized by imaginative understanding, the novel explores Mexican social history of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The decadent remnants of a quasi-feudal social order, violent revolutions, and a dramatic exodus from the countryside to the city all gave rise to ghost towns across Mexico. Pedro Paramo tells the stories of three main characters: Juan Preciado, Pedro Paramo, and Susana San Juan. From the point of view of Juan Preciado, the novel is the story of a son’s search for identity and retribution. Juan’s mother, Dolores Preciado, was Pedro Paramo’s wife. Although he does not bear his father’s name, Juan is Pedro’s only legitimate son. Juan has returned to Comala to claim â€Å"[j]ust what’s ours,† as he had earlier promised his dying mother. Juan Preciado guides readers into the ghost story as he encounters the lost souls of Comala, sees apparitions, hears voices, and eventually suspects that he too is dead. We see through Juan’s eyes and hear with his ears the voices of those buried in the cemetery, a reading experience that evokes the poetic obituaries of Edgar Lee Masters’ Spoon River Anthology (1915). Along with Juan Preciado, readers piece together these fragments of lives to construct an image of Comala and its demise. Interspersed among the fragments recounting Juan’s story are flashbacks to the biography of Pedro Paramo. Pedro is the son of landowners who have seen better days. He also loves a young girl, Susana San Juan, with a desire that consumes his life into adulthood. â€Å"I came to Comala because I had been told that my father, a man named Pedro Paramo, lived there. † —page 3 Although the story line in these biographical fragments follows a generally chronological order, the duration of time is strangely distorted; brief textual passages that may read like conversational exchanges sometimes condense large historical periods. Moreover, the third-person narrative voice oscillates between two discursive registers. On the one hand, poetic passages of interior monologue capture Pedro’s love for Susana and his sensuality; on the other, more exterior descriptions and dialogues represent a domineering rancher determined to amass wealth and possessions. Within this alternation between the first- and third-person narrative voices, readers must listen for another voice and reconstruct a third story, that of Susana San Juan. We overhear bits of her tale through the ears of Juan Preciado, listening with him to the complaints that Susana—in her restless death—gives forth in the cemetery of Comala. â€Å"I was thinking of you, Susana. Of the green hills. Of when we used to fly kits in the windy season. We could hear the sounds of life from the town below; we were high above on the hill, playing out string to the wind. ‘Help me Susana. ‘ And soft hands would tighten on mine. ‘Let out more string. ‘† —page 12 Poetic sections evoke her passion for another man, Florencio, and Pedro never becomes the object of Susana’s affection. Juan Preciado, Pedro Paramo, and Susana San Juan are all haunted by ghosts; in turn, they become ghosts who haunt the realities of others. â€Å"They say that when people from there die and go to hell, they come back for a blanket. † —page 6 Although as readers we have the sense of lives once lived by these characters, they emerge for us as phantasms, as partially known presences who are not immediately intelligible and who linger with inexplicable tenacity. Reading Pedro Paramo creates a transformative recognition of Mexico’s move toward modernity in the early twentieth century; more than the objective lessons learned from social and cultural history, as a novel, Pedro Paramo produces a structure of feeling for readers that immerses us through the experience of haunting. As ghosts, Pedro, Susana, and Juan point outward to the social context of Mexico in the difficult movement toward modernization, toward social arrangements that never completely die as a newer social order is established. Pedro’s accumulation of land as a rancher harks back to the trends of capital accumulation during the benign dictatorship of President Porfirio Diaz (1876-1911). The Porfiriato strove to modernize the nation through the development of infrastructure and investment; it allowed for anomalies such as the creation of the Media Luna ranch and strong local power brokers such as Pedro Paramo who shared the interests of the elite and helped maintain a thinly veiled feudal social order. Within this context, Susana San Juan and other individuals murmur their complaints in ghostly whispers. Indeed, at one point, Rulfo planned to call the novel Los murmullos—the murmurs. Speaking in the streets of Comala, overheard in dreams, and groaning in the cemetery, these spectral murmurs bespeak a reality hidden beneath the facade of Porfirian progress. The Mexican Revolution of 1910-1920 gave expression to repressed peasants—the campesinos of rural Mexico—and put an end to the Porfiriato. Susana San Juan, in turn, reveals the repressed role of women in a patriarchal order. In this world women are chattel and ranch-owners can forcibly populate the countryside with bastard children by asserting feudal rights to the bodies of peasant women living on their lands. Peasant revolutionaries and Susana San Juan as well are all manipulated by Pedro Paramo. He can force events to keep them all in the places where he would have them, but he cannot control their desires and their pleasures. The peasants celebrate festivals, and after the revolution they eventually rebel again by participating in the Cristero Revolt of 1926-1929. Susana suffers guilt and remembers pleasure in evocative passages that underscore her erotic ties to Florencio, a man unknown to others in the novel, perhaps a dead soldier from the revolution, the man Pedro would have had to be in order to have Susana’s love. â€Å"The sky was crowded with fat, swollen stars. The moon had come out for a little while and then vanished. It was one of those sad moons that nobody looks at or even notices. It hung there for a little while, pale and disfigured, and then hid itself behind the mountains. † -Juan Rulfo References Carol Clark D’Lugo, The Fragmented Novel in Mexico: The Politics of Form (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1997), 70-81. Patrick Dove, â€Å"‘Exigele lo nuestro’: Deconstruction, Restitution and the Demand of Speech in Pedro Paramo,† Journal of Latin American Cultural Studies 10. 1 (2001): 25-44,